By Georges Rebuschi, Laurice Tuller
As a regular interface phenomenon, clitics became more and more very important in linguistic concept over the last decade. the current e-book contributes to the hot dialogue and primary presents a finished assessment of clitic sequencing, clitic placement and clitic doubling within the significant Romance languages. additionally, new facts from a northern Italian dialect are brought. the writer then supplies a severe precis of the present morphological analyses of clitic phenomena. She additionally discusses fresh Optimality-theoretical analyses of clitic mixtures and clitic placement and indicates how those analyses should be more desirable upon after we additionally think about a morphological remedy of clitics. This booklet offers leading edge suggestions to clitic phenomena in the framework of a constraint-based morphological thought and may be of curiosity not just to morphologists, syntacticians and people engaged on the grammar of Romance languages, but in addition to linguists who're drawn to the employer of the grammar and the lexicon.
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Additional info for Clitics Between Syntax and Lexicon
In Spanish, for instance, combinations of alliterating and homophonous clitics are also prohibited. As in Italian, the former are subject to substitution by the reXexive clitic (see 28a) — a process well-known as the “spurious se rule” (going back to Perlmutter 1970). (28) Clitic substitution and deletion in Spanish clitic-clitic combinations a. 3io substitution: b. 3rfl deletion: *le lo → *se se → se lo se Chapter 4 proposes that diVerences between Spanish and Italian in the resulting clitic sequences come from diVerent clitic inventories.
D. ptc e ha indossato alla festa. df party 45 46 The status of Romance clitics between words and aYxes e. Martina lo ha comprato e indossato alla festa. ’ f. *Per comprare e indossarlo. , Miller 1992 for French; Monachesi 2000 and Legendre 2000b for Romanian). Only Portuguese behaves somewhat exceptionally again. In Portuguese, preverbal clitics have wide scope not only over coordination of bare Vs (40a) but also over coordination of VPs (40b). Postverbal clitics, on the other hand, never have wide scope over coordination of synthetic verbs (40c).
As Miller & Sag (1997) point out, the Wrst person subject clitic je cannot combine freely with verbs if the order of subject and verb is inverted in questions: (13) Arbitrary gaps in French clitic-host combinations a. Chantes-tu? b. *Chante-je? ’ Gaps like these cannot be explained by any syntactic restrictions but demand a morphological analysis. However, this does not inevitably mean that the respective elements are inXectional aYxes. Combinatory restrictions in inXectional morphology do not allow much variation.
Clitics Between Syntax and Lexicon by Georges Rebuschi, Laurice Tuller