By Gretchen Helmke, Steven Levitsky

ISBN-10: 0801883520

ISBN-13: 9780801883521

This quantity analyzes the functionality of casual associations in Latin the USA and the way they help or weaken democratic governance. Drawing from quite a lot of examples -- together with the Mexican dedazo, clientelism in Brazil, legislative "ghost coalitions" in Ecuador, and elite power-sharing in Chile -- the members learn how casual principles form the functionality of country and democratic associations, supplying clean and well timed insights into modern difficulties of governability, "unrule of law," and the absence of powerful illustration, participation, and responsibility in Latin America.The editors current this research inside of a fourfold conceptual framework: complementary associations, which fill gaps in formal principles or increase their efficacy; accommodative casual associations, which blunt the results of dysfunctional formal associations; competing casual associations, which at once subvert the formal ideas; and substitutive casual associations, which exchange useless formal associations. (2007)

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Extra info for Informal Institutions and Democracy: Lessons from Latin America

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They are rarely publicly debated or written down, and the actors who create and enforce them may deny doing so. ≥≤ Why and how, then, do informal institutions emerge? Building on the previous section, we can identify four reasons for informal institutions to emerge. ≥≥ Formal rules set general parameters for behavior, but they cannot cover all possible contingencies or provide guidelines for what to do in all circumstances. Consequently, actors operating within a particular formal institutional context develop norms and procedures that expedite their work or address problems not contemplated by the formal rules.

He shows that when the Durán Ballen govern- introduction 27 ment deemed that the Social Christian Party’s (PSC) demands had escalated beyond the terms of the original ‘‘ghost coalition’’ pact, Vice President Alberto Dahik publicly accused PSC leaders of corruption. In response, the PSC launched an impeachment drive that forced Dahik into exile. Likewise, Langston shows how PRI executives used their control over state resources and electoral institutions to ensure that defectors would lose elections and pay an enormous cost in terms of their political careers.

Parties received individual benefits from participation in the collective game, and these benefits underwrote continued participation. The tremendous success of Concertación governments further contributed to this self-reinforcing dynamic. Finally, the postauthoritarian Chilean political system was not a zero-sum game, in which gains for parties represented proportional losses for the coalition. Large and small parties had different goals, which amounted to a win-win situation that enhanced the incentives for coalition formation and maintenance and, hence, for the purposeful creation of informal institutions to achieve these goals.

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Informal Institutions and Democracy: Lessons from Latin America by Gretchen Helmke, Steven Levitsky

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