By Jennifer L. Burrell
Guatemala's thirty-six-year civil struggle culminated in peace accords in 1996, however the postwar transition has been marked through persevered violence, together with lynchings and the increase of gangs, in addition to monstrous wage-labor exodus to the USA. For the Mam Maya municipality of Todos Santos Cuchumatan, inhabited through a predominantly indigenous peasant inhabitants, the aftermath of warfare and genocide resonates with a long-standing pressure among nation options of governance and historical community-level strength constructions that included suggestions of kinship, gender, and iteration. displaying the ways that those complicated histories are interlinked with wartime and enduring family/class conflicts, Maya after struggle offers a nuanced account of a distinct transitional postwar scenario, together with the complicated effect of neoliberal intervention. Drawing on ethnographic box learn over a twenty-year interval, Jennifer L. Burrell explores the after-war interval in a locale the place neighborhood struggles span tradition, id, and heritage. Investigating a number tensions from the neighborhood to the overseas, Burrell employs precise methodologies, together with mapmaking, heritage workshops, and an off-the-cuff translation of a old ethnography, to investigate the function of clash in animating what concerns to Todosanteros of their daily lives and the way the citizens negotiate energy. reading the community-based divisions along nationwide postwar contexts, Maya after struggle considers the air of secrecy of desire that surrounded the signing of the peace accords, and the next doubt and ready that experience fueled unrest, encompassing generational conflicts. This learn is a wealthy research of the multifaceted forces at paintings within the quest for peace, in Guatemala and past.
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Extra info for Maya after War: Conflict, Power, and Politics in Guatemala
Structural violence takes form systemically and often indirectly, and is experienced “by everyone who belongs to a certain social order” (Farmer 2003:307). It is referred to as structural, writes Torres-Rivas, “because it is reproduced in the context of the market, in exploitative labor relations, when income is precarious and it is concealed as underemployment, or is the result of educational segmentation and of multiple inequalities that block access to success” (1998:49). In their foundational contribution to the study of violence, Nancy Scheper- Hughes and Phillippe Bourgois write: “Violence is a slippery concept—nonlinear, productive, destructive, and re-productive” (2004:2).
This is especially true among the rural Maya, where specific conceptions and local knowledge of space are central to the construction of identity and subjectivity. An individual is Mayan in part due to her relationship to a particular place, constructed from the memories and experiences that connect people through shared knowledge: the family milpa, the secret hiding places of childhood, the out-of-the-way courting grounds of teenagers, and the sacred peaks and valleys. Each plays a part in what it means to be a Todosantero.
There was nothing extra to sell through the weaving cooperative, which, because cooperatives were targeted by the military, shuttered its windows and remained closed for much of the period along with the buildings and businesses that had been owned by the ladinos who fled during the military incursion. I found these details particularly important and poignant because they spoke to the ways in which everyday life for Todosanteros was affected during genocidal wartime conditions: men continued to work in the milpa, but adapted to curfews; women continued to patronize the market (not the shuttered stores), but were always accompanied; Todosanteros continued to bury their dead, but corpses often shared or went without coffins; and women living in Todos Santos stopped weaving.
Maya after War: Conflict, Power, and Politics in Guatemala by Jennifer L. Burrell