By Alexius Pereira
This booklet appears to be like at Singapore and China to ascertain governmental collaboration on a overseas direct funding orientated process. concentrating on the original collaborative enterprise, the Suzhou business Park venture, the writer explores the commercial, political and social relationships among Singapore and China during the process the scheme in addition to discussing why convinced ideas have been followed, how they have been applied and their results.
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Additional info for State Collaboration and Development Strategies in China (Routledgecurzon Studies in the Growth Economies of Asia, 44)
A meeting of minds The China government – especially its former Premier Deng Xiaoping – was an admirer of the Singapore government’s national economic development strategies (see Bolt 2000). Deng was especially interested in how the Singapore government was able to achieve rapid economic growth and industrial transformation but maintain its dominance in the social and political sphere (Wong 1999: 51). China’s leadership also was keen to learn from Singapore’s FDIoriented strategy: Many top CCP leaders hope that China will follow Singapore’s route to prosperity in which one party dominates politics (with token representation for other parties) but facilitates private enterprise and foreign investment.
They do not only take primary factors of production into consideration, secondary factors of production are sometimes more important. Furthermore, market access is another important issue. As a location, Singapore, in the 1960s, had some competitive advantages within the global industrial production system; for example, the island had a deep harbour, long entrepôt history and strategic geographic position in the Southeast Asian region (Lim et al. 1988: 1–4). In addition, Singapore’s labour was also competitive when compared to labour in developed countries because of its relatively low levels of education and training in the 1960s.
The unemployment rate fell to below four per cent by 1974 (Rodan 1997: 153). 3 per cent in 1980. By the early 1980s, labour was so scarce that the government eased restrictions on foreign workers. During that time, employment in manufacturing rose from 74,000 in 1965 to 433,000 in 1992, with ‘industrial activities’ increasing from 5 per cent in 1965 to over 25 per cent in 1990 (Huff 1995: 741). Thus, it could be argued that industrialization was one of several important reasons behind Singapore’s overall economic growth, with Gross Domestic Product growing at an average of 9 per cent annually between 1960 and 1990 (Wong and Ng 1997: 121).
State Collaboration and Development Strategies in China (Routledgecurzon Studies in the Growth Economies of Asia, 44) by Alexius Pereira