By Michael Hammond (Ed.), Edith A. Moravcsik (Ed.), Jessica Wirth (Ed.)

ISBN-10: 9027228914

ISBN-13: 9789027228918

The papers during this quantity are revised types of shows on the convention on Language Universals and Language Typology in March 1985 on the college of Wisconsin, Milwaukee. They comprise new proposals of universals, result of investigations to validate or refine formerly proposed common generalizations, and discussions in regards to the clarification of universals. the amount could be of serious curiosity to researchers in syntax and in language universals. moreover, students in pragmatics, philosophy of linguistics, psycholinguistics, anthropological linguistics and semantics also will locate articles of curiosity within the booklet.

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3) a. John i expects {*he/*himi/himJ/himself/PRO} to win. b. John i expects that {hei/heJ/*him/*himself/*PRO} will win. (4) a. [s John expects [s to win]] governing category b. [s John expects that [s AGR will win]] governing category Himself is an anaphor, and must therefore be bound in its governing category. It is unacceptable in structure (4b), the finite clause, since there is no possible antecedent for it in its governing category, the lower S. In struc­ ture (4a), however, himself can be bound by the noun John, which is in its governing category, and it is therefore allowed by Binding Principle A.

Bopphai Boppha 'Boppha i b. *Bopphai Boppha teivei]. TV 'Boppha i khәәñ klәi niw knoŋ teivei]. ' In (12a) the minimal category containing ә and its governor — the verb khәәñ 'see' — is the entire sentence. Khmer has no AGR that can serve as Subject, so all Subjects must be syntactic subjects as defined in (9). Therefore in (12a) the Subject is the subject of the sentence — Boppha. By definition of governing category in (8), the entire sentence is the domain in which klә must find an antecedent.

Is kaha da otideš. Want-3PL-PAST b. ' Edin den šte iskat da otideš. ' This is not totally invariable, however: at least in Bulgarian and Macedo­ nian there do exist sentences like (8), where the da clause contains a formal tense other than present (here past perfect (perfective)). But past tense in this type of clause means irrealis rather than past time; it is semantically more related to modality than to real tense. (8) Ne sispomnih da bjah otišla. ' To summarize the basic facts as presented so far, what we are looking at is a construction that is functionally similar to familiar infinitives, but contains a verb marked marginally for tense-aspect and very clearly and meaning­ fully for person-number agreement.

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Studies in Syntactic Typology by Michael Hammond (Ed.), Edith A. Moravcsik (Ed.), Jessica Wirth (Ed.)

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