By Clare Cook
This booklet deals targeted empirical insurance of the syntax and semantics of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language of western Canada. It combines cautious elicitation with corpus reviews to supply the 1st systematic research of the 2 specific verbal inflectional paradigms - self sustaining and conjunct - within the language.
The publication argues that the self sufficient order denotes an indexical clause variety with usual deictic houses, whereas the conjunct order is an anaphoric clause style whose reference is dependent upon principles of anaphoric dependence. either syntactic and semantic concerns are tested: at the syntactic aspect, indexical clauses are proven to be limited to a subset of matrix environments, and to exclude proforms that experience clause-external antecedents or result in cross-clausal dependencies. Anaphoric clauses have an in other places distribution: they ensue in either matrix and established contexts, and freely host and perform cross-clausal dependencies. The semantic dialogue focusses totally on the context during which a proposition is evaluated: it indicates that indexical clauses have absolute annoying and a speaker origo, in step with deixis on a speech act; anaphoric clauses, in contrast, use anaphoric dependencies to set up the evaluate context.
Data from Plains Cree is in comparison to the matrix/subordinate procedure present in English, to the clause-chaining approach of the Amele language of Papua New Guinea, and to Romance subjunctive clauses. The ebook additionally presents the 1st micro-typology of pronominal marking and preliminary swap in Algonquian languages.
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Extra info for The Clause-Typing System of Plains Cree: Indexicality, Anaphoricity, and Contrast
Ki- b. DP ✟✟❍❍ ✟❍ ✟ ❍ niD . . ki- Syntactically, this is a classic difference between heads and specifiers: heads select for a complement, but specifiers do not. In the case of complementizer C heads, the head selects for a clausal constituent. However ni- and ki- are not selecting for a clausal constituent—their presence does not identify the constituent as having clausal architecture. This is evidence that they are hosted in spec, CP, rather than C . While pronominal proclitics are found in both verbal and nominal contexts, the clause-typing proclitics occur only in verbal contexts.
Frantz :) Mapping indexical and anaphoric CPs onto Plains Cree’s morphosyntax b. ikkamáyo’kainoainiki, nitáakahkayi. ’ (Frantz :) The final distinguishing characteristic of Plains Cree’s peripheral agreement which is consistent with placing it in the clause-typing domain is its sensitivity to the matrix/embedded distinction. A verbal complex with the independent agreement -w in () cannot occur in an embedded clause (notice here that the independent clause has no pronominal proclitic, but still is restricted to matrix clauses).
A. kiwâpamik. ’ b. ∗ Jeff niwîhtamâk kiwâpamik. vta -inv - — Finally, () lacks any proclitic; the clause is again unable to be embedded. () a. nimâma wâpamik. ’ b. ∗ Jeff niwîhtamâk nimama wâpamik. vta -inv - — Since substitution of the pronominal proclitic does not change the distribution of the clause, I posit a structure in which they are in spec, CP, rather than C : () CP ✟❍ ✟ ❍ ni ki- C . . ∅ The behaviour of the clauses with a ∅- proclitic leads us to the next point: the significance of non-overtness.
The Clause-Typing System of Plains Cree: Indexicality, Anaphoricity, and Contrast by Clare Cook