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Cabinet portfolio can be seen as the result of pure bargaining. Nakamura (1987) says that the difference between the Italian coalition of factions and the Japanese coalition of factions is that in Italy some factions within the original party break away from the party to form a new coalition with other parties. But this Italian style has also occurred in Japan. P. may have started to work with the same logic with which European coalition governments work. The mechanism of European style coalition government may have started almost fifteen years before the real or explicit coalition government that emerged in 1993.

P. However, this is not a reason but the result of the stabilized system of cooperative organization. P. organization during a time when it seems to have less political power. P. and the behavior of its factions. P. P. is low. Inoguchi (1990) uses the bandwagon effect of the predominant faction for his explanation of the stability of the wall-to-wall coalition. That is, other smaller factions joined the predominant faction to support its candidate. But it may be irrational for the predominant faction to want a bandwagon effect, because the number of cabinet posts is limited and some of them may have to be given to smaller factions.

In order to analyze the European coalition governments, Schofield and Laver (1985, 1987) assume all The Japanese election system 26 combinations of parties are possible. P. is not plausible and want to check both possibilities. Results We examine the case of the 1980s when the coordinating structure clearly exists and the number of factions is reduced to five or six and membership of the factions was determined. The situation is suitable for the computation of the “kernel” or “bargaining set”. But, still we need the help of a computer.

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The Economist, January 1st-7th 2011 by The Economist

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